In Tel Aviv’s Hostages Square, Donald Trump is the hero. Banners reading “We love Trump” enthusiastically thank the US president. For the families of Israeli hostages held by Hamas, the message is simple: Trump delivered the return of their loved ones, something Benjamin Netanyahu couldn’t, or wouldn’t, do.
For months, the Israeli prime minister faced a consistent accusation from hostage families and political rivals: that he prolonged the war in Gaza for his own political survival. The military campaign satisfied his far-right coalition partners, who wanted to expand the assault and re-occupy the territory.
“Netanyahu isn’t willing to pay the political price of bringing back all the hostages,” opposition leader Yair Lapid said last December.
But everything changed when Trump returned to the White House in early 2025.
Netanyahu has called Trump Israel’s best-ever friend in the Oval Office. While the prime minister often gained political points by clashing with Democratic administrations, he wouldn’t risk doing so with Trump, who has used this advantage effectively.
In January, Trump pressured Netanyahu to accept a deal that brought home 30 living hostages and the remains of eight others. It was originally Joe Biden’s plan, but Trump pushed it through.
In June, during a 12-day war between Israel and Iran, Trump publicly ordered Israel to cancel an airstrike, posting on Truth Social: “BRING YOUR PILOTS HOME NOW.” The jets turned back mid-flight.
Last month, Trump’s influence was clear again when he forced Netanyahu into an unprecedented apology to Qatar after a failed strike on Hamas leaders in Doha. The apology included a video of the call from the Oval Office, posted online for everyone to see.
And just last week, during Netanyahu’s visit to Washington, Trump announced his 20-point plan to end the war.
After Hamas indicated it was ready to talk, Trump directly told Israel to stop bombing Gaza, calling the US-designated terrorist group “ready for lasting peace.” He then sent his son-in-law Jared Kushner and envoy Steve Witkoff to Cairo to finalize the agreement, announcing on Wednesday that “peace” was coming, with all 48 remaining hostages to be freed in the deal’s first phase.
Netanyahu, for his part, denies he gave in to US pressure. He frames the ceasefire as a great success of strategic coordination and “one of our great achievements” in a two-year war that has caused massive destruction and over 67,000 deaths in Gaza, according to local authorities.
“Anyone who says that this hostage deal was always on the table is simply not telling the truth,” he stated on Friday.
Unlike Hamas’s earlier demands, Trump’s plan allows the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to remain in about half of Gaza. Netanyahu presents this as a win: hostages are back, the IDF holds its ground, and Hamas is weakened.
However, this outcome is far from the “total victory” he promised for two years. The deal’s first phase leaves Hamas armed and in operation, with no guarantees for disarmament or the exile of its leaders. Gaza’s future governance is also undecided.
Still, the man who was pushed into a ceasefire may have found an escape from a long and unpopular war ahead of next year’s Israeli elections.
According to two Israeli officials, Netanyahu actually helped write Trump’s 20-point proposal. They claim that after the short war with Iran in June, Trump and Netanyahu agreed that “Once Iran was hit, Gaza had to end.”
While public negotiations stalled, Netanyahu’s top advisor, Ron Dermer, worked behind the scenes with the Trump administration and Gulf states on what became Trump’s ceasefire plan. “The final plan is full of Dermer’s fingerprints,” one source said, though he admitted Trump later added terms Netanyahu had to accept, like a possible path to a Palestinian state.
Crucially, the deal seems structured to give Netanyahu a way out. Trump’s plan is phased and conditional, giving the Israeli leader political flexibility with his hardline coalition. A full IDF withdrawal depends on Hamas disarming—a deliberately vague condition that Netanyahu says allows Israel to fight again if needed, while Hamas claims it has US promises the war won’t restart.
As veteran Israeli journalist Nahum Barnea wrote, the agreement “has more holes than Swiss cheese.” This ambiguity is what is temporarily holding Netanyahu’s coalition together. Far-right ministers Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich have said they will stay, calmed by Netanyahu’s promises that “the war isn’t over.”
Netanyahu may have been forced to end the war, but he created enough room to claim that he didn’t.
His decision was also driven by the political calendar. Israel’s next elections are set for October 2026, but are expected sooner. An Israeli source told CNN that “several months ago, Netanyahu realized the war had become a liability, and he didn’t want to head into elections with hostages still captive.”
His biggest challenge in the next election is being seen as responsible for the October 7 attack, the deadliest day in Israel’s history. Two years ago, his political career seemed over. Now, Trump has given Netanyahu a new story for his political comeback.
Ending the war stops the daily news of military casualties, international criticism, and economic damage—all major burdens for an election campaign. As Trump often points out, the ceasefire is very popular, with polls showing 60 to 70% of Israelis support it.
“Bibi told me, I can’t believe it. Everybody’s liking me now,” Trump said on Fox News, recalling a call with Netanyahu. “More importantly, they’re loving Israel again.”
Netanyahu’s campaign strategy is becoming clear: the war is over, hostages are home, and with Trump’s help, he will seek more regional peace deals. He is fully aware of Trump’s popularity in Israel—which is much higher than his own—and plans to make him a central part of his campaign. In a highly unusual move, Netanyahu invited Kushner and Witkoff to the Israeli cabinet meeting that approved the deal.
Next week, Trump himself will visit Israel for the celebrations. Netanyahu will likely use every moment to boost his political standing and ride Trump’s popularity into the election.
While US pressure may have forced Netanyahu into a deal he long avoided, by making Trump the hero, he is trying to turn the situation into a political victory. It might also distract from his ongoing corruption trial. Whether Trump’s endorsement can make voters forget Netanyahu’s role in Israel’s biggest security failure remains to be seen.